The Independence of Intensifier Adjunction and Binding: Simple vs. Complex Reflexives in Danish
The morphological transparency of intensified nominal expressions in Danish suggests relegating binding and intensification to different modules (cf. Baker 1995). We furthermore adopt a view of the binding theory in which the distribution of anaphors falls under a purely syntactic principle A, while the distribution of intensifiers is determined by pragmatic/semantic constraints. The SELF morpheme in complex reflexives is thus not a reflexivizing element (pace Reinhart & Reuland 1993) but is consistently analyzed as an intensifier. This analysis enables us to unify the analysis of intensified DPs and complex (i.e. intensified) reflexives.